Friday 29 March 2019

Connolly's Last Comment


[From the last issue (pp. 361–2) of Horizon (Dec., 1949)—the magazine whose tone Waugh brutally characterised as “R.A.F. Pansy”.]

This study in misunderstood genius leads us easily on to Bacon’s horror-fretted canvases and to Dallapiccola’s Songs for Prisoners, to the criticism made of him “a few, a very few musicians, have an intense awareness, heightened by their intellect, of the tragedy within our time—of the religious struggle which is carried on to the last drop of blood-between the spiritual ideal of liberty and the tyrranous brutality of matter and its inexorable determinism.”

One can perceive the inner trend of the Forties as maintaining this desperate struggle of the modem movement, between man, betrayed by science, bereft of religion, deserted by the pleasant imaginings of humanism against the blind fate of which he is now so expertly conscious that if we were to close this last Comment with the suggestion that every one who now is reading it may in ten years’ time, or even five, look back to this moment as the happiest in their lives, there would be few who would gainsay us. “Nothing dreadful is ever done with, no bad thing gets any better; you can’t be too serious.” This is the message of the Forties from which, alas, there seems no escape, for it is closing time in the gardens of the West and from now on an artist will be judged only by the resonance of his solitude or the quality of his despair.

Thursday 28 March 2019

Nietzsche: “Our Belief in the Virilising of Europe”


[The Joyful Wisdom, 362. Adapted from Thomas Common’s 1910 translation with reference to R. Kevin Hill’s 2018 Penguin Classics translation—which itself seems to make extensive reference to Common’s.]

We owe it to Napoleon (and not at all to the French Revolution, which had in view the “brotherhood” of the nations, and the florid interchange of hearts and flowers among people generally) that a few warlike centuries, which have not had their like in past history, may now follow one another—in short, that we have entered upon the classical age of war, war at once scientific and popular, war on the grandest scale (as regards means, talents and discipline), to which all coming millenniums will look back with envy and awe as a work of perfection:—for the national movement out of which this martial glory springs is only the counter-shock against Napoleon, and would not exist without him. To him, consequently, one will one day be able to attribute the fact that man in Europe has again got the upper hand of the merchant and the Philistine; perhaps even of “woman” also, who has been pampered by Christianity and the extravagant spirit of the eighteenth century, and still more by “modern ideas.” Napoleon, who saw in modern ideas, and accordingly in civilisation, something like a personal enemy, has by this hostility proved himself one of the greatest continuators of the Renaissance: he has brought to the surface a whole layer of the ancient character, the decisive layer perhaps—a layer of granite. And who knows but that this layer of ancient character will in the end get the upper hand of the national movement, and will have to make itself in a positive sense the heir and continuator of Napoleon,—who, as one knows, wanted one Europe, and this the mistress of the world.

The Problem of Europe in Emil Cioran


(Notes towards an essay. Concerning Cioran's pessimism and its place in world history, with a tenuous but promising connection to Spengler, and all coming down to Nietzsche and the problem of Europe. Comments would be very helpful.)

It is closing-time in the gardens of the West and from now on an artist will be judged only by the resonance of his solitude or the quality of his despair [Cyril Connolly].
And how to believe that history—a procession of delusions—can drag on much longer? Soon it will be closing-time in the gardens of everywhere [Emil Cioran].

Two Truths and the Tragic View of History


In “The Two Truths” (Drawn and Quartered, transl. Richard Howard [2012], pp. 3–15), Cioran offers a tragic view of history. He begins with “[t]he theory of a double truth” (p. 4). There is “ordinary truth or samrviti, ‘veiled truth’ or more exactly ‘truth of error,’ privilege or curse of the nonliberated”, and “real truth or paramartha, attribute of the delivered” (ibid.).

Liberation or deliverance is “sarvakarmaphalatyāga”, a “spellbinding word” meaning “detachment from the fruit of action” (p. 5; cf. Bhagavad Gītā, 12:11). This is the “real truth that annihilates all the others,” that is, ordinary truths of error, “and exposes their emptiness” (Cioran, loc. cit.). For the liberated and disillusioned it’s “[i]mpossible to concede that the tragic is the individual’s lot, and not that of history” (p. 12).

But a man or culture that achieves this liberation “excludes itself,” in so doing, “from becoming” (p. 9): because attachment to ordinary truths of error, to action and its fruit, is “that motor, no, that cause of history” (ibid.). The delivered withdraw from history, “can no longer endure the burden” of attachment (p. 6); but for as long as some remain nonliberated, history will continue.

The liberated and excluded “cut a wretched figure in history” (p. 5); and Europe, in awaking from history—becoming disillusioned, no longer believing her own motive truths of error—“[h]aving governed two hemispheres […] is now becoming their laughingstock” (p. 9).

The “delirium” (p. 7) of participation in history, this “galloping obnubilation” (pp. 4–5), wears a culture out. It awakens. Disillusioned, it’s “the ex-fanatic par excellence” (p. 6); it becomes as the primitive societies were that “wallowed for millennia in magnificent sclerosis […] before contact with the West” (p. 7; emphasis added).

Which is the nub of the issue. Sclerotic, “liberated” former powers are sitting ducks. Delirium is necessary for life. “The prerequisites of Buddhism,” says Nietzsche, acidly, “are a mild climate, great gentleness and liberality in the customs of the people and no militarism” (Antichrist, 21). The exemplum of a healthy delirium is Judaism “in the period of the kings,” when “Israel’s attitude to all things was the right one—that is to say, the natural one” (25). Its god was “the expression of its consciousness of power, of its joy over itself” (ibid.).

Connolly perceives Europe’s decline, a decline which makes the art of old—founded on truths of error, but positive and self-affirmatory—impossible, leaving to the modern European artist only “the resonance of his solitude or the quality of his despair.” Cioran realises it and embodies it; and thus losing the particularity of his vision, the self-regard of a healthy “good European”, universalises the diagnosis—dwells on the generality of moribundity.

The tragic view of history, the “real truth”, is an expression of European decline. Justly the Washington Post dubs Cioran the “final philosopher of the Western world.”

The Problem of Europe


How is Europe become a laughingstock? “How is she become as a widow?” (Lamentations, 1:1).

“[L]ittle by little, individuals insinuate themselves among the ‘natives,’ too anaemic and too distinguished to stoop to the notion of a ‘territory’” (Cioran, p. 8). Of whom do these natives remind us with their “distinction” but Nietzsche’s slave, “the inevitability of [whose] being made to wait” he transforms, through the jaundiced magic of ressentiment become creative, into “patience” (On the Genealogy of Morals, 14).

Manners, civility: the sign of civilisation. But civilisation for Spengler is only “the inevitable destiny of the Culture” (Decline of the West, vol. 1, transl. C. F. Atkinson [1926], p. 31), and a sorry one. “Civilizations are the most external and artificial states of which a species of developed humanity is capable. They are a conclusion, the thing-become succeeding the thing-becoming…” (ibid.). (Consider Cioran on the liberated: “it excludes itself from becoming” [p. 9].)

Furthermore, millennia of delirium, “long rivalries”, have exhausted European cultures, “weakening one another” (Cioran, p. 8). This is the kleine Politik (petty politics) embodied in Bismarck that Nietzsche despises, the wasteful expenditure of European vitality quarrelling with itself along old nation-state divides.

Nietzsche’s vision of grosse Politik (great politics) involves the forging of a new “virilised” Europe. Europe must “[get] the upper hand of the merchant and the Philistine”, overcome “Christianity and the extravagant spirit of the eighteenth century” and the “modern ideas” of 1789, in order to “unearth a whole block of the ancient character, the decisive block perhaps, the block of granite,” thereby to establish “one Europe, which [is] to be mistress of the world” (Gay Science, 362).